In the year of 2015， when I came to Ethiopia as a diplomat to serve at the Mission of the People's Republic of China to the Afiican Union， first counselor for economic and development cooperation，Ambassador Fantahun from the African Union was the first senior official whom I met and we gradually became good friends.
　　As we all know that early from the 1950s to 1970s， China-Africa ties have been further cemented in both political and econonuc spheres. As time passed by， especially in these days， Cluna and Africa shared mutual needs and complementarities and faced a rare historic opportunity in pursuing development through cooperation. In recent years， China has surpassed $20 billion to help African countries mainly to support the improvement ofinfrastructure， agriculture and manufacturing， etc. Additionally， China also focuses on African's education， poverty reduction， public health environment improvement.For example， during the recent outbreak of Ebola virus in West Africa，China sent six medical teams to help Africa control the epidemic and promised to build disease control and prevention center for the whole Africa in the near future. The new conference center of the Africa Union granted by the Govemment of China shows the sincere friendship between China and Africa. The first Chinese standard cross-border electrified ra，ilway "Addis Ababa to Djibouti" was the econonuc lifeline to the East Africa nations. From my interaction with Ambassador Fantahun， I feel a strong feeling and emotion of friendship as a reflection ofpartnership between China and Africa.
　　The book "AFRICA-CfflNA RELATIONS： NEOCOLONIALISM OR STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP? ETHIOPIA AS A CASEANALYSIS" is about the story of the friendship between China and Africa for the past half century from Ambassador Fantahun，an Ethiopian Diplomat. Based on his own past experience， there's no doubt that he is the witness of what China had contributed for development of Africa. As he is an Ethiopian， he used Ethiopia as an analytical study in the framework of examining the China-Africa relations. The book has discussed how the relationship between China and Africa is based on comprehensive strategic and cooperative partnership. China is identifying the right path for a genuine relationship and promoting effective communication and understanding around common interests. That's not neocolonialism.
　　Introducing my fiiend Ambassador Fantahun， he was born in a mral area where basic social needs are not sufficiently available， He，however， has made a tremendous achievement and success through his own desperate efforts and hard works. With an outstanding and abundant diplomatic experiences during his last 25 years， he served both at national and international levels. He was an ambassador to Democratic People's Republic of Korea and Zimbabwe. He is also a scholar who wrote a substantial number of research works in multidisciplinary areas ofinterest.

　　近二十年来，世界见证了中国作为优选大国的崛起。伴随着经济高速发展，中国成为当今世界第二大经济体，并在优选地缘政治舞台上发挥着越来越大的作用，世界各地围绕中国的发展道路、外交政策以及其如何影响包括非洲在内的其他国家，展开了越来越激烈的辩论。中国与非洲长期维持友好关系，这种关系更是在冷战结束后进入了一个新时期。靠前舞台还有中非境内的发展机遇与挑战为巩固中非经济领域的合作关系提供沃土，有利于两国实现2000年开始的巨大经济转型。非洲一直致力于摆脱世界经济边缘化的困境，忙于应对发展中的多重挑战，中非关系的日益巩固势必为非洲未来发展带来契机。

CHAPTER Ⅰ INTRODUCTION 001
CHAPTER Ⅱ THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 016
CHAPTER Ⅲ AN OVERVIEW OF AFRICA AND CHINA 033
CHAPTER Ⅳ AFRICA-CHINA RELATIONS：GENERAL ANALYSIS AND IMPLICATIONS 089
CHAPTER Ⅴ ETHIOPIA-CHINA RELATIONS：A CASE ANALYSIS 158
CHAPTER Ⅵ REACTIONS ON AFRICA-CHINA RELATIONS 196
CHAPTER Ⅶ CONCLUSION SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS 210
REFERENCES 233

　　《非中关系：新殖民主义还是战略伙伴关系？：以埃塞俄比亚为案例分析》：
　　The consequence of the growing loss of control over policies relating to key economic issues was the menacing threat posed to Africa's already tenuous sovereignty， Although it is a known fact absolute sovereignty may not be tenable in the current global economic order characterized by complex nterdependence and prevalence of many non-state actors， countries nonetheless try to maintain a degree of autonomy in terms of their ability to determine policy choices. However， with aid as a central factor in foreign policy directions， the ceding of the continent's sovereignty to international creditors has been an obvious case wluch could not be denied. One clear example of such a situation explained above was the adoption of SAPs and their vast display of conditionalities， most of them unattainable， was not only evidence of the creditors' control of the adjusting countries， but also the extent to which the latter have ceded their sovereignty. The illusions about Africa's economic sovereignty has thus been more manifested in the post-Cold War period than ever before，The sequel to the loss of sovereignty has been the related problem of consolidating the new and nascent regionalism in Africa. One of the daunting challenges unleashed by globalization is how to remain competitive in the hostile global economy. The need to maintain competitiveness is partly responsible for the creation of regional economic blocs by which member countries attempt to insulate their economies from the devastating consequences of global competition.The attempts across Africa to strengthen the existing common regional economic communities and later in early 2000s the desire shown to replace the continental Organization of the African Unity （OAU） to a more pragmatic and politically and legally powerful organization of the African Union are policies designed to mitigate the effects of competition on African states.
　　For Africa， a regional and continental unity has a strategic advantage for the countries both in pulling African resources and minds closer in order to advance the common interests of the continent within and globally and dispel common challenges. It also has an additional advantage of providing alternative paths out of the continent's development challenges by creating a larger market within the continent thereby reducing its precarious reliance on the global market. However， the critical question was how the continent can simultaneously remain committed to the seemingly contradictory terrains of creditor conditionalities on the one hand and the ideals of continental regionalism on the other. There was as well growing concern that the donor-oriented posture of African states may be incompatible with effective regionalism or continental unity，particularly where the demands of creditors conflict with the dictates of continental union.（Shaw， 1989） This dilemma posed daunting questions for Africa's international relations.
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